The first quarter of the book is Young Ludwig and The Austrian School. This sketches the social, political and intellectual context for his life and work, including an endearing portrait of Carl Menger, the founder of the school. The second quarter is Officer, Gentleman, Scholar, covering the start of this career, his first major scholarly works on monetary theory, socialism and the politics of nationalism, and his involvement with Max Weber in the politics of the social science society. The third is Mises in his Prime including the years he spent in Geneva with the opportunity to address intellectual issues without the distraction of a bureaucratic day job. The fourth is Mises in America, from 1940 to 1973, a time when the school was practically invisible. This includes some little-known insights on the internal strains of the Mont Pelerin Society and some gossip from the Ayn Rand circle in New York which for a time included libertarians like Murray Rothbard and also von Mises.
To introduce students to the politics of national identity debate in the context of contemporary developments in British politics.
To explore in depth key aspects of this debate, for example in relation to party politics.
To apply and critically engage with relevant theoretical perspectives
To enable students to develop an ability to critically engage with complex ideas through reading and analysing both primary texts and secondary sources.
To challenge students to develop a more critical view of both existing constitutional and governance arrangements and their alternatives.
Politics of identity critical essay ..
In particular, poststructuralist challengers charge that identitypolitics rests on a mistaken view of the subject that assumes ametaphysics of substance—that is, that a cohesive,self-identical subject is ontologically (if not actually) prior to anyform of social injustice (Butler 1999). This subject has certain coreessential attributes that define her or his identity, over which areimposed forms of socialization that cause her or him to internalizeother nonessential attributes. This position, they suggest,misrepresents both the ontology of identity and its politicalsignificance. The alternative view offered by poststructuralists isthat the subject is itself always already a product of discourse,which represents both the condition of possibility for a certainsubject-position and a constraint on what forms of self-makingindividuals may engage. There is no real identity—individual orgroup-based—that is separable from its conditions ofpossibility, and any political appeal to identity formations mustengage with the paradox of acting from the very subject-positions itmust also oppose. Central to this position is the observation that anyclaim to identity must organize itself around a constitutiveexclusion:
Politics identity critical essay Homework Service
Nowhere have conceptual struggles over identity been more pronouncedthan in the lesbian and gay liberation movement. The notion thatsexual object choice can define who a person is has been profoundlychallenged by the advent of queer politics. Visible early lesbian andgay activists emphasized the immutable and essential natures of theirsexual identities. For some, they were a distinctively differentnatural kind of person, with the same rights as heterosexuals (anothernatural kind) to find fulfillment in marriage, property ownership, andso on. This strand of gay organizing (perhaps associated more closelywith white, middle-class gay men, at least until the radicalizingeffects of the AIDS pandemic) with its complex simultaneous appeals todifference and to sameness has a genealogy going back to pre-Stonewallhomophilic activism (see discussion in Terry, esp. 353–7). Whileearly lesbian feminists had a very different politics, oriented aroundliberation from patriarchy and the creation of separate spaces forwoman-identified women, many still appealed to a more authentic,distinctively feminist self. Heterosexual feminine identities wereproducts of oppression, yet the literature imagines a utopianalternative where woman-identification will liberate the lesbianwithin every woman (e.g., Radicalesbians 1988 ).
Essay on gender sensitivity and self awareness
Racial categories are perhaps most politically significant in theircontested relation to racism. Racism attempts to reduce members ofsocial groups to their racial features, drawing on a complex historyof racial stereotypes to do so. Racism is arguably analogous to otherforms of oppression in being both overt and institutionalized,manifested both as deliberate acts by individuals and as unplannedsystemic outcomes. The specific direction of US discussion of thecategories of race has been around color-blind versus color-consciouspublic policy (Appiah and Gutmann 1996). Color-blindness—thatis, the view that race should be ignored in public policy andeveryday exchange—has hegemony in popular discourse. Drawingattention to race—whether in a personal description or inuniversity admissions procedures—is unfair and racist. Advocatesof color-consciousness, on the other hand, argue that racism will notdisappear without proactive efforts, which require the invocation ofrace. Thus affirmative action, for example, requires statistics aboutthe numbers of members of oppressed racial groups employed in certaincontexts, which in turn requires racial identification andcategorization. Thus those working against racism face a paradoxfamiliar in identity politics: the very identity they aim to dispelmust be invoked to make their case.