Involvement in Latin America 2001 by John A.

In a critique of racial essentialism, Hall (1996:444) states that “the central issues of race always appear historically in articulation, in a formation, with other categories and divisions and are constantly crossed

The predominant religion throughout history in Latin America has been Catholicism.

logical essence of the notion of race is clear. Ideologies are the eyesthrough which people see social reality, the form in which they experience it in their ownconsciousness. The rise of slavery, its growth and dispersal, and its eventual destructionwere central events in American history. The various ideologies in which race was embodiedbecame the form in which this central reality found distorted reflection in people'sconsciousness.

Print Culture, Censorship, and Modernity in Twentieth-Century America

, Assistant Professor of Latin American HistoryYoungstown State University

It remains to be seen how many people will actually identify themselves as members of more than one race. Much depends on the prevailing consciousness of multiracial identity, the visibility of multiracial people, and representational practices. As Reynolds Farley notes, “At the time of the 2000 census, if we have another Tiger Woods…those figures could up to 5 percent—who knows?” (quoted in Holmes, 1997:A19).

Latin America Essays: Examples, Topics, Titles, & Outlines

groups have contributed to the growth and increased visibility of a multiracial population. Studies thus far have focused on “cultural conflict” and psychological issues of individual adjustment. We need to assess more deeply how multiraciality affects the logic and organization of data on racial classification, and the political and policy issues that emanate from this.

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Until the close of the Second Vatican Council in 1965, the stance of the Roman Catholic Church toward the social, cultural, economic, and political developments of the twentieth century was largely antagonistic. Naturally opposed to secularization, skeptical of capitalist markets indifferent to questions of justice, confused and appalled by new forms of high and low culture, and resistant to the social and economic freedom of women—in all of these ways the Catholic Church set itself up as a thoroughly anti-modern institution. Yet, in and through the period from World War I to Vatican II, the Church did engage with, react to, and even accommodate various aspects of modernity. In All Good Books Are Catholic Books, Una M. Cadegan shows how the Church’s official position on literary culture developed over this crucial period.The Catholic Church in the United States maintained an Index of Prohibited Books and the National Legion of Decency (founded in 1933) lobbied Hollywood to edit or ban movies, pulp magazines, and comic books that were morally suspect. These regulations posed an obstacle for the self-understanding of Catholic American readers, writers, and scholars. But as Cadegan finds, Catholics developed a rationale by which they could both respect the laws of the Church as it sought to protect the integrity of doctrine and also engage the culture of artistic and commercial freedom in which they operated as Americans. Catholic literary figures including Flannery O’Connor and Thomas Merton are important to Cadegan’s argument, particularly as their careers and the reception of their work demonstrate shifts in the relationship between Catholicism and literary culture. Cadegan trains her attention on American critics, editors, and university professors and administrators who mediated the relationship among the Church, parishioners, and the culture at large.

Latin America and the Concept of Social Race.

There is surely disturbing matter to ponder in the simultaneous appearanceof antislavery sentiment and racialist ideology. But the roots of this grim coincidenceare not to be sought in the exclusive realm of race relations.19 They are rather to besought in the unfolding of bourgeois social relations, and the ethos of rationality andscience in which these social relations were ideologically reflected. Bourgeois"rationality" tore loose from "natural" categories the task -- whichall societies carry out in some form -- of identifying and classifying differences amongpeople. The latter had to be recreated from scientific first principles, with theenterprise of classification and identification now subordinated to the practical businessof disciplining -- and, if need be, institutionalizing -- deviance and nonconformity. Notrace alone, but a whole edifice of "forms of institutionalized segregation"arose: the asylum, the school (a place of isolation for children, now defined as radicallydistinct by nature from the adult population), and the bourgeois family itself (redefinedas a refuge from society and built around an "exaggerated consciousness of sexualroles").20 Race is a product of history, not of nature. And as an element ofideology, it is best understood in connection with other elements of ideology and not as aphenomenon . Only when set next to contemporary ideas having nothing todo with race can ideas about race be placed in the context of the ideological ensemble ofwhich they form a part.